" In the name of God

The exalted Ayatollah Khamene'i

Greetings and best wishes, may God ensure your good health and grant you success

The writers of this letter are not unfamiliar faces. What they have
in common is that they have all been involved in the struggle to overthrow the shah and establish a state based on the rule of the people, republicanism and Islamic principles. In the years following the victory of the Islamic revolution they have been active in every corner of this country to preserve the most important ideals of the Islamic revolution and the achievements that were made thanks to the precious blood of the martyrs of this nation. Indeed, many of them come from the great family of martyrs, combatants, the war-disabled and liberated POWs. They are anxious. They are anxious about preserving the same ideals. They are anxious about the legitimacy of the state, namely, its Islamic and republican character. Above all, they are anxious about preserving the territorial integrity and ensuring the national security of our country.

What led us to take up your time, was the sensitivity of the current
circumstances, the little time that we have and the great danger facing our country. It is most regrettable that neither the whispers of
well-wishers such as ourselves nor the proposals that we put forward
quietly over the last few years have made any headway.
So please permit us to act on the basis of our religious and legal
duties, as well our commitments and responsibilities to God and the
people. Thus we would like to discuss with Your Eminence, the most
important official in this country, what we believe is in everyone's best
interests. We would like to do so in accordance with the constitution,
which is our national covenant. Hopefully, our state will derive some
benefit from our interest in its well-being.

Perhaps throughout the tumultuous history of modern Iran, one cannot
find a period that is as sensitive as the current one. Perhaps one can
only compare the current situation with that during the occupation of the country during World War II or the period prior to the acceptance of [UN] Resolution 598 [reference to the resolution which ended the Iran-Iraq war]. In the first case, no-one was hopeful about internal factors and external factors defined the destiny of our country. In the second case, the exalted Imam Khomeyni's, may his noble soul be sanctified in paradise, willpower, adroitness and foresight and his decision to rely upon the people, saved our country.

However, perhaps there are no cases that are comparable to the current period because of the juxtaposition of political and social cleavages and foreign threats. Clearly, the American administration (a power that does not believe it is facing any obstacles) seeks to change the geopolitics of the region. Our state has no choice but to take action or react to such a plan.

We have still not forgotten the political atmosphere in this country
in 1375 [year beginning 21 March 1996]. For various reasons, Iran was
totally isolated in the foreign policy arena. Indeed, our country was
even facing a foreign military threat. Unfortunately, the country's
political environment was characterized by passivity. However, 2 Khordad 1376 [reference to Mohammad Khatami's victory in the Iranian presidential elections on 23 May 1997] eliminated all those threats. It also created many opportunities for us. To use Your Eminence's own phrase, it insured the revolution. Indeed, the international atmosphere changed in Iran's favour rather quickly. The year 2001 was called the year of dialogue of civilizations because of a proposal put forward by Iran. Indeed the then American president [Bill Clinton] was waiting for an opportunity to meet Mr Khatami during his visit to New York to express his respects for the Iranian nation. Later on, the American secretary of state [Madeleine Albright] officially apologized to Iran for certain policies America pursued in the past.

After 2 Khordad, the socio-political situation in the country became
more dynamic and the prospects for the country's comprehensive development looked very bright indeed. Moreover, even macroeconomic indicators made us hopeful that chronic economic diseases from which our country had been suffering throughout history, would be cured.

However, barely two years after this great divine blessing, certain
factions - which had been momentarily stunned because of the way people cast their votes on 2 Khordad - began to implement a carefully thought-out plan aimed at denying us the opportunity with which we had been presented in an effort to ensure the defeat of what has been described as the reform programme - a programme which was enshrined in the president's manifesto.
They sought to revert to the situation that prevailed prior to 2 Khordad
1376. The record of their subversive activities is rather long and
tragic.

As Mr Khatami put it, they generated a crisis every nine days. Cases
in point include, the serial murders [reference to the murder of
intellectuals and dissidents]; the crime committed at the [Tehran]
University dormitory; the closure of the press and media organizations;
the arrest of political activists; the suppression of university students
and academics; implementation of highly unprecedented judicial verdicts in public; neutralizing the decisions made by the Majlis and the government and transferring power from the latter institutions to institutions such as the Guardian Council, the Expediency Council and the Cultural Revolution Council. Indeed they even went so far as to give priority to the rules and regulations of the [Imam Khomeyni] Relief Committee and the rules governing the sale of the Law-Enforcement Force's obsolete equipment when dealing with the laws passed by the Majlis! [exclamation mark as received]

They sought to curtail the powers of managers and officials in the
executive branch and undermine their willpower by manufacturing evidence against them, making attempts to catch managers and officials red-handed, resorting to black propaganda and confronting independent civil institutions such as parties, the bar association, academic and research institutions, cultural forums and ... [ellipsis as received]

Whether we like it or not, the upshot of all that was to demonstrate
to the people of Iran and the world that nothing had changed in Iran and that nothing would ever change in Iran. This proved that the votes cast by a people whose main desire was to change tactics and world views, had no effect whatsoever. They wanted to declare that those institutions that reflect the collective will of the people had no authority. Moreover, those institutions which are supposed to be the focal points of conflict resolution and serve as symbols of sovereignty and national consensus were turned over to the most radical opponents of the reform process to ensure that the people's votes would be nullified.

This is the state of affairs in our country and we do not have much
time. The vast majority of the people are disgruntled and hopeless. The majority of elites are either silent or have chosen to emigrate. There is
a massive capital flight and foreign forces have totally encircled the
country. Given the current situation, we can only conceive of two
alternative futures for this country. The first one is dictatorship or
despotism and even under the most optimistic scenario, this can only lead to dependency and, ultimately, disintegration or degeneration. The second option is to return to the basic principles of the constitution and make an honest effort to rely upon the rules of democracy. Such a policy will be based on this nation's culture, as well as on its Islamic and national values. It will also enable us to cooperate with the entire world.

What prevents foreign threats from being carried out is not artillery
or tanks or missiles or weapons systems, but enhancing the legitimacy of the state and working for national unity and harmony between the state and the nation. The only way to eliminate the foreign threat is what united our nation and made it determined to overthrow the shah's regime. This is only possible if our nation can be sure that its desires and votes can change the situation.

National unity means relying upon the people's votes. It means being
with all the people. It means that "the people's vote is the benchmark"
and ... [ellipsis as received] Such an interpretation of the concept of
national unity will not only neutralize foreign threats, but it will also
give us hope and enable us to turn the situation to our own advantage.

Our understanding of the situation is that state officials must be
honest and apologize to the people for their dereliction of duty and
misinterpretations. Of course, such an apology will not be tantamount to their defeat or the abandonment of their principled positions. In fact, it will show their modesty and magnanimity. Bowing to the people will
ensure that we will not bow to foreigners.

If one has to drink from a poisoned chalice in order to safeguard the state and ensure that the independence and territorial integrity of our country will not be jeopardized, then one has to do so. Undoubtedly, those who adopt such an intelligent and modest approach will be given the same reward that the nation gave our late beloved Imam.

Such actions reflect one's adroitness, farsightedness, concern for our
interests and altruism and it will also enable us to benefit from the
blessings bestowed upon us by God. Of course such changes in one's world view must also be reflected in one's behaviour as well. There must be changes in personnel or at least in the behaviour of institutions that are supposed to be based on consensus and impartiality. The Guardian Council, the Judiciary, the Voice and Vision [state radio and television] and all the institutions in the appointment of the officials of which the people do not play a direct role, must really be impartial. Unfortunately, today, one cannot see such a policy being implemented in practice.

Today, the Guardian Council is the biggest obstacle in the way of the
Majlis. It puts forward truly strange interpretations and its mode of
reasoning is very peculiar indeed. Unfortunately, it has debilitated and
undermined the credibility of Islamic law and the constitution.
Interpreters of the constitution are very bold when interpreting certain
articles of the constitution (a case in point is provided by giving the
leader unlimited powers) as if all the constitution and Islamic law can be summarized in only one article. Undoubtedly, if such interpretations of the constitution had been put forward in 1358 [year beginning 21 March 1979] when a referendum was being held on the issue, our state would have had a different destiny.

If the people and the Majlis and all the other institutions amount to
nothing and all the power and the source of all activities is incorporated into one article - or as those gentlemen say Article 110 of the
constitution - and if the leader is the only one with prerogatives, then
why should we not clarify the situation for the people and make sure they know where they stand?   In this way, we will be able to overcome the existing dichotomies, stop our sloganeering and refrain from adding adjectives and adverbs to meaningful expressions such as the rule of the people and freedom? If this is not the case - and, undoubtedly, this is not the case - and the Imam's methods and behaviour also disprove the aforementioned view, then why should we not be serious about opposing such activities which only undermine the credibility of the state and public confidence?

We have an opportunity to test everybody. The two bills approved by
the Majlis will test all of us in terms of the claims that we have been
making.

Holding free elections and preventing the infringement of the
constitution are the two principles which every government which is based on the rule of the people must observe. We cannot prescribe a referendum for the Iraqi people and call for the holding of free elections in that country from the Friday-prayer rostrum, while denying the same basic right to our own people.

Of course, once free elections have been held and the rights of those
elected by the people, particularly the president, have been secured, then artificial obstacles in the way of their free pursuit of their legal
activities must be removed as well.

Today,  there are certain individuals in the Judiciary who lack the
necessary competence but whose actions are shielding the anti  reform planners. They are limiting the deputies' ability to exercise their right
to express their views which is an essential and legitimate right in any
parliamentary system. This situation is not tolerable and it will not
last either.

As far as civil society is concerned, illegal pressures and
unacceptable behaviour have reached intolerable levels. The Judiciary has gone beyond targeting political activists and the main cadres of the reform programme. As a result we have reached a point where all civil
institutions are being threatened. A number of lawyers and a number of those who are active in arts and culture and the media have been summoned to courts, arrested and put on trial. This is not justifiable by any logical standards.

What should be done in this arena is to remain fully committed to
upholding the constitution and eschew unjustifiable interpretations of it.

Moreover, consensus-building institutions such as the Guardian Council, the Judiciary, the armed forces and the Voice and Vision must make    a serious effort to refrain from interfering in political disputes to
support this or that faction. Moreover, those institutions that are
responsible for conflict resolution, such as the Expediency Council, must have a balanced composition which reflects the existing tendencies in society and ... [ellipsis as received]

Undoubtedly, as in the past, the people still have problems making
ends meet. As in the past, administrative and financial corruption is
rife. Moreover, opponents of the reform programme have launched a black propaganda campaign and are magnifying the extent of corruption and the seriousness of our problems. As a result, the people think that the system is corrupt and degenerate from top to bottom. Such problems and propaganda campaigns, as well as the widespread dissatisfaction caused as a result of such actions, mean that we are on the horns of a dilemma.

Undoubtedly, our most important duties are eliminating poverty;
creating prosperity for the people; improving and consolidating the
foundations of our country's economy; and guaranteeing long-lasting
economic growth and generation of wealth. None of those things can be achieved unless capital, effective manpower resources and capable
management practices are injected into the country's economic system.
Those two things [as received] cannot be achieved unless our political and economic security is guaranteed and only a government chosen by the people can do so.

Today, one can hear certain international circles whispering about
holding a referendum as the main instrument of bringing about regime
change in our region. Even if the international community does not
approve of the underlying trend, it has remained silent about it. We
believe that only the collective will of nations and the votes cast by
peoples can decide the future of various states. At the same time, the
best way to counter such a subterfuge is not to create a society that
speaks with one voice or to adopt even harsher despotic measures aimed at intimidating the people. In fact, the best thing to do is to set in motion the process of national reconciliation and establish and maintain a system that is really based on the rule of the people.

The state must present a conceptual model which can be reconciled with the people's liberty and lofty status in practice. If such
interpretations of the concept of the Islamic republic prevail, then no
matter how many plebiscites are held, then the people will
enthusiastically vote for the Islamic republic just as they did at the
beginning of the revolutionary period. We believe that, under the current circumstances, you are in a position to make such a choice.

We ask Almighty God to guide us in the right direction, ensure that we
will remain sincere and bestow His blessings upon us. We ask Almighty God to ensure that you will have a long, healthy and glorious life.

[Signed]

1. Mohsen Armin (Tehran)
2. Hoseyn Afarideh (Shirvan)
3. Mehdi Ayati (Birjand)
4. Gholamheydar Ebrahimbay-Salami (Khaf va Rashtkhar)
5. Ali Mohammad Ahmadi (Aligudarz)
6. Isa Qoli Ahamadinia (Eyzeh va Baghmalek)
7. Mahmud Akhavan-Bazardeh (Langerud)
8. Asgar Eslamdust (Talesh)
9. Habibollah Esma'ilzadeh (Falavarjan)
10. Mohammad Reza Esma'ili-Moqaddam (Qom)
11. Javad Eta'at (Darab)
12. Maqsud A'zami (Naqdeh va Oshnaviyeh)
13. Behruz Afkhami (Tehran)
14. Ja'far Afqahi-Farimani (Sarakhs va Fariman)
15. Ali Akbarzadeh (Varzeqan)
16. Hasan Almasi (Pars Abad-e Moqan)
17. Shahrbanu Amani (Orumiyeh)
18. Ebrahim Amini (Nurabad-e Mamasani)
19. Hoseyn Ansari-Rad (Neyshabur)
20. Abdolghaffur Iran-Nezhad (Chabahar)
21. Mohammad Baqer Baqeri-Nezhadiyanfard (Kazerun)
22. Qahreman Bahrami (Mobarakeh)
23. Sohrab Bohluli-Qashqa'i (Firuzabad)
24. Rahman Behmanesh (Mahabad)
25. Ahmad Burqani (Tehran)
26. Samir Purjaza'eri (Khorramshahr)
27. Mohammad Piran (Razan)
28. Nureddin Pirmo'azzen (Ardabil)
29. Abdorrahman Tajeddin (Esfahan)
30. Ali Tajernia (Mashhad)
31. Mohsen Tarkashvand (Tuyserkan)
32. Ali Taqizadeh (Khoi)
33. Gholamhoseyn Takaffoli (Mashhad)
34. Hasan Towfiqi (Kashan)
35. Ali Akbar Ja'fari (Saveh)
36. Jalal Jalalizadeh (Sanandaj)
37. Soheyla Jelowdarzadeh (Tehran)
38. Ali Hasani (Arak)
39. Shahbaz Hoseynzadeh (Miandoab)
40. Seyyed Mas'ud Hoseyni (Qorveh)
41. Fatemeh Haqiqatju (Tehran)
42. Abdolreza Heydarizadi (Tehran)
43. Fatemeh Khatami (Mashhad)
44. Seyyed Mohammad Reza Khatami (Tehran)
45. Naser Khaleqi (Esfahan)
46. Mostafa Khanzadi (Damavand va Firuzkuh)
47. Mohammad Hoseyn Khalili-Ardakani (Karaj)
48. Morteza Kheyrabadi (Sabzevar)
49. Mohammad Dadfar (Bushehr)
50. Hasel Daseh (Sardasht va Piranshahr)
51. Fatemeh Rake'i (Tehran)
52. Seyyed Abolfazl Razavi (Na'in)
53. Ahmad Ramezanpur-Nargesi (Rasht)
54. Hasan Ramezanpur (Shahreza)
55. Ahmad Rahbari (Garmsar)
56. Hoseyn Ruzbehi (Sari)
57. Hasan Zahmatkesh (Astara)
58. Jalil Sazgarnezhad (Shiraz)
59. Abolqasem Sarhaddizadeh (Tehran)
60. Mohammad Ali Sa'da'i (Jahrom)
61. Meysam Sa'idi (Tehran)
62. Behyar Soleymani (Fasa)
63. Davud Soleymani (Tehran)
64. Mansur Soleymani-Meymandi (Shahr-e Babak)
65. Abdollah Sohrabi (Marivan)
66. Seyyed Ali Seyyed-Aqamiri (Dezful)
67. Valiollah Shoja'purian (Behbahan)
68. Ali Shakuri-Rad (Tehran)
69. Seyyed Masha'allah Shakibi (Ferdows va Tabas)
70. Ahmad Shirzad (Esfahan)
71. Golmohammad Saleh-Solhchini (Lardagan)
72. Reza Saleh Jalali-Astaneh (Astaneh-Ashrafiyeh)
73. Rasul Sadiqi-Bonabi (Bonab)
74. Zabiollah Safa'i (Asadabad)
75. Mohsen Safa'i-Farahani (Tehran)
76. Seyyed Mehdi-Tabataba'i (Abadeh)
77. Mostafa Taheri-Najafabadi (Najafabad)
78. Ali Zafarzadeh (Mashhad)
79. Gholamali Abedi (Nehbandan)
80. Abolqasem Abedinpur (Torbat Heydarieh)
81. Peyman Ashuri-Bandari (Bandar-e Mahshahr)
82. Mohammad Aba'i-Khorasani (Mashhad)
83. Gholamreza Abdolvand (Dorud va Ozna)
84. Ahmad Azimi (Shiraz)
85. Salaheddin Ala'i (Saqqez va Baneh)
86. Mohammad Reza Ali-Hoseyni (Nahavand)
87. Ne'matollah Alireza'i (Khomeynishahr)
88. Karim Fattahpur (Orumiyeh)
89. Hoseyn Farrokhi (Jiroft)
90. Ali Qanbari (Ardal va Farsan)
91. Seyyed Naser Qavami (Qazvin)
92. Mohammad Kazemi (Malayer)
93. Ja'far Kambuziah (Zahedan)
94. Jamileh Kadivar (Tehran)
95. Seyyed Mansur Kashfi (Larestan)
96. Mohammad Ali Kuzehgar (Shahriar)
97. Elaheh Kula'i (Tehran)
98. Hamid Kahram (Ahvaz)
99. Mohammad Kiafar (Mianeh)
100. Mohammad Kianush-Rad (Ahvaz)
101. Gholamreza Gorzin (Q'emshahr va Savadkuh va Juybar)
102. Hoseyn Loqmanian (Hamedan)
103. Anushirvan Mohseni-Bandpey (Chalus va Nowshahr)
104. Amrollah Mohammad-Jazi (Barkhar va Meymeh)
105. Ahmad Moradi (Chenaran va Torqabeh)
106. Rajab Ali Mazru'i (Esfahan)
107. Akram Mosavvari-Manesh (Esfahan)
108. Mirtaher Musavi (Tabriz) [name and city as received]
109. Mirtaher Musavi (Karaj) [name and city as received]
110. Seyyed Baqer Musavi-Jahanabad (Boyerahmad)
111. Seyyed Mojtaba Musavi-Ojaq (Kermanshah)
112. Ali Akbar Musavi-Kho'ini (Tehran)
113. Seyyed Isa Musavinezhad (Khorramabad)
114. Rasul Mehrparvar (Dargez)
115. Ahmad Meydari (Abadan)
116. Mohsen Mirdamadi (Tehran)
117. Mansur Mirza-Kucheki (Borujen)
118. Behzad Nabavi (Tehran)
119. Abdolmohammad Nezam-Eslami (Borujerd)
120. Mohammad Na'imipur (Tehran)
121. Ali Mohammad Namazi (Lanjan)
122. Seyyed Reza Nowruzzadeh (Esfarayen)
123. Serajeddin Vahidi-Mehrjerdi (Taft va Meybod)
124. Seyyed Shamsoddin Vahabi (Tehran)
125. Ali Asqar Hadizadeh (Delijan va Mahallat)
126. Mirmahmud Yekanli (Orumiyeh)
127. Reza Yusefian (Shiraz)

31 Ordibehesht 1382 [21 May 2003] "